Vladimir Putin: "Based on global developmental trends, it's better to have Russia as your ally. We are a great power. Nobody likes competitors. Competitors should be kept at bay. But I think we will win in the long run. Few people expected us to act so swiftly and decisively, if not boldly. There are very good guiding points. These guiding points are the interests of the Russian Federation and its people".
Hamburg, Tehran, Beijing, Paris, Moscow. Difficult, sometimes very difficult negotiations. Press conferences, flights. For more than a year, in short and long-distance trips, our crew has been filming the president at work, surrounded by various people, allies and opponents, politicians and diplomats. Interests of Russia and the world, principles and disagreements. Everything as usual. A handshake, a photo. Meetings one-on-one or in a group. Talking to journalists.
But what happens behind closed doors? How much work is required to move one more step closer to mutual understanding? Whenever he has a chance, Putin answers our questions, explains the logic behind his actions, everything that took place over the past years: a difficult search for harmony between nations, leaders, countries.
- Vladimir Vladimirovich, how does Russian foreign policy take its shape? Is it a decision made solely by you or is there a circle of people? And are they hawks or rather people who prefer different forms of a dialogue? How does it work, this very complex attuning, given that the international situation changes daily?
Vladimir Putin: You want me to give up the inner workings?
- It would be very interesting.
- Well, I don't think it would be right. It's a sacred thing. But you described it just how it is. It's like everywhere else. On our teams, we have people with different believes, different approaches and different suggestions on whether we should do this or that. It does happen that we have complete unanimity. It happens. That was the case during the Crimean events. But there are also other situations, and they are the most frequent ones— discussions, opinion exchanges. But in the end, I have to make a final decision. It's just how it is. And it's natural.
- The burden of power.
- Yeah. Not sure that it's a burden, but it's a responsibility. And the way our system works is that after the decision has been made, everyone works to bring it to life.”
SOCHI, 20 NOV 2017
Bashar Hafez al-Assad, President of Syria. He was facing the fate of Hussein and Gaddafi, and his country — the fate of Iraq and Libya.
Bashar Hafez al-Assad: "On behalf of all Syrian people, I would like to express our gratitude for what you did. We will never forget it".
In 2011, a civil war broke out in Syria. The West took the side of the Syrian opposition.
Hillary Clinton, US Secretary of State: "We're taking new steps to support the opposition with the comprehensive democratic transition and to further pressure and isolate the Syrian regime".
By fall 2014, most of the country was under the control of Islamic State terrorists. The Western coalition led by the US started to bomb ISIS positions on the territory of Syria.
Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel: "The efforts on fighting the Islamic State were extremely important for the future of Syria, for the future of the Middle East, for the future of the whole world. ISIS was beheading people, sending assassins to various countries. ISIS tried to mobilize the Muslim population for Medieval barbarism".
September 2015. Syria is on the verge of collapsing. President Assad turns to Russia for military help.
Vladimir Putin: "When we were making the decision on Syria, it wasn't because we wanted to rattle sabers and show that we are tough. No. We were using actual data we had on our hands which was a cause for concern, to put it mildly. What data? There were 2000-2500 terrorists of Russian origin in ISIS, Jabhat al-Nusra, as well as 4500 members from Central Asia, from countries with which we have no borders or visa regime. They could easily infiltrate us from that direction. That's the first point. Second, the collapse of the Syrian state could potentially result in the creation of a massive terrorist hotspot that would last for a very long time, for many decades. And having a second Afghanistan here, right next to us is not the best of pleasures. There could also be other grave repercussions if we had not done what we did, if we hadn't hit terrorists in Syria, if we hadn't destroyed most of them, if we hadn't assisted in the recreation of governmental structures on that territory. So despite all difficulties and huge future risks, we're working on this problem".
Carla Del Ponte, Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic: "It is important to have peace so that local people can return to their homes and refugees return to Syria. I believe only Russia can give peace to Syria".
After meeting Assad, Putin holds phone talks with the key players of Middle-Eastern politics.
At 8:50 pm, with US President Trump.
At 9:20 pm, with Saudi Arabian King Al Saud.
At 10:00 pm, with Egyptian President el-Sisi.
At 10:05 pm, with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu.
The following day, there's a pivotal meeting in Sochi. The heads of Iran, Turkey, and Russia discuss the situation in and future of Syria.
- On one hand, it's the biggest enemy of the US, Iran. On the other hand, it's Turkey, NATO's formal ally. There's also Russia that they put on the sanctions list on par with Iran and North Korea. All of them working on the problems that used to be solved at Camp David. But now all these participants came to Sochi. So what did you see that US presidents didn't? Why did we seize the initiative, even though they've entered the region earlier -and started working on these problems earlier?
Vladimir Putin: The trick is that we didn't seize anything. We were just following our own way. Turns out, it produces results. Results that are positive for everyone. So what happened? You just said it yourself. They went ahead and put everyone on some list, called everyone their enemies. It's a sign of weakness, not strength when you try to get everyone with one swatter. That's not how it works. It's a sign of incompetence. You talked about us coming here, reaching an agreement. But this is, in a sense, a final stage. There were agreements made before that, for example, the one with Israel and the US about the southern de-escalation zone. They didn't give it too much publicity but they are part of the negotiations. Not long ago, we've been in Da Nang, Vietnam where the US president and I issued a joint statement on Syria. In many ways, it echoes the statement that was made here, in Sochi.
- But can we trust these partners? All of them are difficult and have a complicated history. How do we know that we won't be lied to, as was often the case in the Soviet Union when they'd often use our power and then say goodbye and start negotiating with the Americans?
- Vladimir Rudolfovich, if you had asked me whether we can trust girls, I could try and talk about that, but when you ask whether we can trust some countries, it's a completely different subject matter. What does it mean, trust? Every country has its own interests, be it Russia or Middle Eastern countries. All of them—Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey, Israel, Jordan. Global players like the US, China or India also have their interests. Russia has interests of its own. The first thing you always have to do is treat their interests with respect so that they would be respectful of our interests. It's a complex process. However difficult the relations between countries in the region, we still sat at one negotiating table with Turkey and Iran and became guarantors of certain agreements. And these agreements are working.
Vladimir Putin: "The goal to fight armed rebel groups here in Syria, the goal that had to be accomplished through an extensive use of armed forces, on the whole, has been achieved. It has been done spectacularly. Congratulations!"
"We serve to the Russian Federation!"
The next day, American newspaper The Washington Post publishes an article with the headline Putin is outplaying Trump in the Middle East. Also in December, the White House presents a new National Security Strategy of the US which says, "After being dismissed as a phenomenon of an earlier century, great power competition returned." The world started talking about a new Cold War. The end of the previous one was declared three decades ago.
- The beginning of the Cold War's end. You're stationed in the GDR. Huge amounts of information. Back then, how well did our intelligence understand the sentiment in political circles? How big was the gap between reports, forecasts and what actually happened?
Vladimir Putin: This is a difficult question for me. I'm not showing off or goofing around. I could start talking from my current position, but it would be a lot of hot air, It would sound nice, but if I'm being honest and go back to that time, it's a difficult question for me, and here's why. I was a nondescript intelligence agent. Nondescript. Photo from a personal file of a KGB agent That's the first point. Second, I had nothing to do with information and analytical work. So in general, I cannot tell you what information even from the GDR office, not to mention other stations, was reaching the intended user of that information, meaning the General Secretary. It's better to address this question to Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev. I was in recruitment, I was working with agents. I was working with illegals. They are unique people. Rare goods. "Goods", of course, being in quotes. In terms of their convictions, their intellect, in terms of their morality and will, they are absolutely unique. It was an incredible experience for me.
- Could you have foreseen back then how it all would turn out?
- Of course, not. I couldn't have foreseen this. And I doubt anyone could. We saw that things were changing, and changing drastically, both in our country and.... First of all, in our country, actually. We were thinking about the ways the situation would develop inside the country, about its possible effect on the global agenda, but there's no way anyone could imagine that the processes would go as they did and as fast.
Mikhail Gorbachev, 25 December 1991: "I'll just sign it, and that's it".
Anthony Brenton, UK Ambassador to Russia: "It was a great and exciting time for all of us. We helped to privatize companies. We helped to open private media. We helped to introduce, as we thought, democratic values and market economy to Russia. We had been used to thinking of the Soviet Union as a powerful country, with a strong and stable economy, nuclear weapons and numerous armed forces. And suddenly we were seeing a smaller country with a weaker economy because the economy of the country collapsed, a country that was in danger of losing its territories".
Zakhar Prilepin, Writer, participant of the counter-terrorist operation in Chechnya: "The 90's were all about repentance and selling the inheritance. I had a feeling that it wasn't possible to rebuild this essence of the national idea. It's lost. It's been dispersed. We lost it. And suddenly this symphony of Russia's government and people became a coherent tune. In the spring of 2014, we suddenly realized, "Wow! This is our people. This is our president. We have our ancestors behind our backs, we have our history, and we are one".
"We've been waiting and hoping for 23 years. We're so happy. You can't even imagine".
William Hague, Former UK Secretary of State: "The United Kingdom and other EU members do not recognize the referendum in Crimea".
Written on a sign: "I love Crimea".
John Kerry, Former US Secretary of State: "We require a response that will match the problem".
Angela Merkel, Chancellor of Germany: "I'm happy Europe had a united response".
- After the Crimean Spring, did you expect sanctions to follow?
Vladimir Putin: There was no doubt. Of course. The exact form wasn't clear but when making those decisions, of course, I had to weigh the return of Crimea against possible repercussions for our relations with many countries of the world. But when you weigh the fate of millions — and I want to stress that it's millions of people, there's more than 2 million people living in Crimea — especially those who want to come back to Russia, against difficulties in relations with other countries, the first part, I think, is overwhelmingly more important. Sometimes, I think — and there are reasons to believe that — that someone intentionally brought us to the point where we simply had to act the way we did. Few people expected our actions to be so swift and decisive, if not bold. Our opponents, our partners developed a good tactic, and, to a certain extent, are achieving their goals from a tactical point of view, but I think that in the long run, we will win.
Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Managing Director of IMF: "Of course, both French and German economies are also affected by sanctions".
Angela Marcel: "Hello, how are you? Good afternoon!"
Alexis Tsipras, Prime Minister of Greece: "Of course, we were considering different ways to get around this problem. Greece was against these sanctions from the start".
Klaus Mangold, Chairman of Eastern Committee of German Economy: "We were expecting Russia to pull out of Eastern Ukraine. I would be happy to see that happen. The idea was that the sanctions would force Russia to leave Crimea. I think that after 3 years of sanctions, everybody understands that Russia has stayed true to its course".
- Will they lift the sanctions? If we believe that…
Vladimir Putin: We did not adopt them. You should ask those who did. You had a chance though.
- There was our good friend from the Czech Republic. Great man. Said wonderful things. You'd think that with some perseverance…
- What can they do? They are very co-dependent inside the EU. They can't do anything on their own.
- So what players are independent in this world?
- Russia.
- Probably also the US?
- There are several other countries. But I can't answer for them. You should ask them how independent they are. You see, when inside they have some complicated political processes, they become dependent on these processes, they become less predictable. Their reliability goes down, and you end up wondering, "Are they dependent or not? And if yes, who from?"
Klaus Mangold: "We have very strong ties with our strategic partner, the US. They have economic and political importance for us. Nevertheless, in many areas, we should free ourselves from this influence. Today I see the US making decisions aimed to prolong the sanctions. The US even wrote in the title of the document that these are the measures against a political opponent".
Vladimir Putin: Good morning!
- Vladimir Vladimirovich, how are you?
- This way.
- Vladimir Vladimirovich, now we have this Kremlin list. What are the Americans trying to achieve? Are they trying to strangle us economically? Are they trying to spread panic among those people who are on that list and make them do something rash? Are they trying to pressure you personally or change Russia's politics in general? What is behind all this?
- It's a very old, almost ancient instrument that has been used by many, unfortunately, including our American partners, since the 20's. It's been used since the 20's. The famous Jackson-Vanik amendment was adopted in 1974 and had stayed in place for 34 years, I believe. Interestingly enough, on the day when the Jackson-Vanik amendment was repealed— on the very same day if my memory doesn't fail me— the so-called Magnitsky Act was adopted for absolutely unsubstantiated reasons. Yes, a man passed away while in prison but they used this tragedy that happened to Mr. Magnitsky to create a new list, the Magnitsky list, and start a new wave of different sanctions. Around 50 new sanctions have been adopted since then.
And I want to point out that it was only 2012, before all the events in Ukraine, before all the events in Crimea. Yet the sanctions were already piling up. You asked why. The question is vital but the answer is very simple. That's how it's always been in the history of our country. Whenever Russia becomes strong and powerful, it makes all our partners panic. They always start attempting to suppress the development of our country. So I think the answer is obvious. It's just a way to compete. It's illegitimate and dishonest but that's how it is. And of course, they try to impede the growth of the defensive potential of our country.
Klaus Mangold: "US geopolitical interests are different from ours. We should try to go back to working and good-neighborly relations with Russia, the way they used to be. Personally, I find it very important. We, Germans, often forget the sorrow we inflicted upon Russia during World War II. We forget the crucial role that Russia played in Germany's reunification".
Vladimir Putin: "Even many of GDR's allies in the west expressed serious doubt, concerns and even disagreement with the reunification of both parts of Germany. Even in the US, there was a lot of doubt. Ask Henry Kissinger. He was also hesitant about this. And Russia wasn't. Russia believed that if the German people want to reunite, then getting in their way is counter-productive, harmful and unfair. Russia facilitated the process in many ways, doing it basically without gain because those loans that we received were not worth anything. They were only good for equipping the troops that got pulled out of Germany. And we didn't just facilitate Germany's reunification and pulled our troops out of there, we also pulled our troops out of other countries in Eastern Europe, expecting, of course, that with the end of the Warsaw Pact, NATO would also most likely stop its existence, or at the very least, as we were told back then, this organization would not expand, and there would be some tectonic changes in the whole system of international relations.
We now see that this didn't happen, because, as it turns out, under the flag of ideological confrontation there's also a geopolitical fight, a fight for geopolitical interests. That's the first point. Second, they don't bother to reckon with anyone. The old world order that was created after World War II based on the power balance at that time basically went to meet its maker, and that's it, now everything should be written from scratch. This is where this nihilism about the international law or the role of the UN stems from. They started supporting separatism and radicalism in our part of the Caucasus. They started bombing Yugoslavia in 1999 without any approval from the UN Security Council. They just didn't give a damn. Launched a strike, destroyed a country, performed an intervention basically. It's hard to say in retrospect whether it had a good or bad effect. If the nations of Yugoslavia wanted independence, maybe it's good, but was it a right way to do it? Should they have bombed the center of Europe without the approval from the Security Council? I doubt that. I'm even sure that they shouldn't have.
How should we even make of it? And then Afghanistan, and then Iraq, and then two waves of NATO expansion in a row. And so it started piling up, one thing after another, as if out of the blue, but we should have expected that. Instead, we showed our — to put it mildly — incompetence, at the very least, and lack of understanding of what would happen to the world and our country after we basically unilaterally gave up our positions".
LIBYA, JULY 2017
Ibrahim Jabati: "I'm from Mali. I'm the oldest in my family. One day, my mother got sick. She didn't have money to pay for the medicine. If I make it to Europe, I'll be able to take care of my mother. That's why I came to Libya".
The biggest transit center of illegal immigration is Libya, not so long ago a strong and rich country whose former leader Gaddafi didn't allow migrants to Europe. The capital of Libya, Tripoli. Laidback citizens, cafes, stores. A seemingly normal life of an eastern city is deceptive. The country is divided. Three territories are controlled by terrorists. Chaos, ISIS recruiters, slave trade. The borders with no protection. A unified country of Libya exists only on the map. All this was preceded by the so-called Arab spring, the civil war, the western bombings, Gaddafi's murder.
Vladimir Putin, 2017: "Instead of the triumph of democracy and progress, there's violence, poverty, a social disaster. And human rights, including the right to life, are wildly disregarded. It makes you want to ask those who've created this situation, "Do you understand what you have done?"
- But your positions have been changing. I watched your speeches in 2001, and then 2007, and then 2015. And this dynamics of changes— where does it come from?
Vladimir Putin: Where do you see the change?
- First of all, nothing is permanent except change.
- But where do you see the change?
- I'd say, there's ever fewer illusions, ever less hope that the West will hear us. In 2001, there were productive suggestions when you were speaking in the Bundestag and offering Europe to improve its reputation. Then 2007, which was almost a revolutionary year, when they couldn't understand what had happened, why they were so roughly addressed by a country that they thought stopped existing. And of course 2015, a year that summarized everything, when you said, "What have you done?" You had been changing.
- That's not true. First of all, you just mentioned my speech in the Bundestag in 2001. By that time, I had experience working as the Security Council Secretary and as the Prime Minister. I had also been president for one year. Before that, I was the FSB director. So had quite a lot of information, and I had my own opinion on what was going on and in which direction it was all moving. In 2001, when I gave a speech in Bundestag and said that we should join forces with Europe, go ahead together, create a common space, it sounded like I was giving my own ideas and suggestions. In reality, it wasn't my idea. In 1992 or 1993, the then-Mayor Sobchak took me to Bonn where he met Chancellor Kohl. And at some point, Kohl sent everyone away, including the interpreter, so I did the translation. And that was when I heard it for the first time from Kohl, from a chancellor who was still in his residence in Bonn, not in Berlin. He suddenly said, "I don't see the future of Europe without Russia." For me—like we've just talked— as a former KGB and intelligence officer, it was a very surprising thing to hear, incredibly surprising. But very interesting. And with a lot of conviction, he started to explain why. He started saying that new, powerful giants are appearing in the world, new centers of power in Asia. He was saying that the US, with time, will be focusing more and more on their own agenda and the agenda of the American continent. By the way, that's exactly what's going on now. Just how Kohl described it in 1992, I believe. But for us, Europe, to stay a self-sufficient center of power and remain a civilization, we should, of course, unite with Russia, with its enormous territory, with its endless resources, with its population who are so close to us in terms of spirit and culture, with its science, with its defensive potential. If we have all that, we'll manage to stay an independent center of power in the world. That's what he said back then. And I just rephrased it and repeated it in the Bundestag. I couldn't reference him back then but I've always agreed with this position. Today we have to say once and for all that the Cold War is over.
Vladimir Putin, Berlin, Bundestag, 2001: “Today we have to say that we reject our stereotypes, our ambitions, and from now on we will be together ensuring the safety of people in Europe and the world.
- But that didn't happen.
And look at what I said in 2007. My speech in Munich was in 2007, right? What did I say? I said that one country, the United States, seeks to spread its jurisdiction outside its territory, outside its national borders, but nobody would ever agree to that. I said that in 2007. Some of European leaders — God bless them! They are still alive and well, and doing politics — said, "That was a rough speech". And I asked, "You disagree with that?" They cast their eyes down and didn't say anything.
Vladimir Putin, Munich, 2007: "You shouldn't play God and solve all problems for all nations. We can only create conditions and help them in figuring out their problems. Create conditions, become guarantors of certain agreements. But we shouldn't force these agreements upon them. Otherwise, we'll drive the situation into a dead end. If someone…"
Viktor Orban, Prime Minister of Hungary: "We are making huge mistakes. Our failed policies destabilized the situation in the Middle East and North Africa. The fact that we did it together with the Americans is not an excuse. We need to speak honestly, even if it hurts. We have a competitiveness crisis. We have a migration crisis. We have a security and terror crisis. We have a demography crisis. The influence of the European Union falls down. This is a bad policy, and it's time to change it".
Geert Wilders, Leader of Party For Freedom (Netherlands): "The worst decision in the last hundred years was Angela Merkel's decision to open all European borders to migrants".
The data suggests that in the last several years, 2.5 — 3 million migrants have arrived in European countries.
Klaus Mangold: "Because of the aging population, the German economy in the next 20 years will desperately need young people that would maintain a high level of employment. We have to do everything in our power to teach them German and prepare them professionally as soon as possible".
Analysis of the situation, as recognized by German experts, show that 4 out of 5 migrants don't want to study. They want to receive financial aid.
Geert Wilders: "Let us not forget that for the past several years European countries have been suffering under the austerity measures. Billion euro cuts have been made to the public health care system and welfare. The original residents of the country, who wake up at 6 am and work full-time, whose wives normally work part-time struggle every day to make ends meet. Normal, hard-working people. Today we see that new citizens, immigrants, when they come to Europe, to prosperous countries, receive free accommodation, free social security, free health care. Many people don't understand it. Look at Europe today. It's not the Europe it was several decades ago. It's a completely new country. Look at the majority of European cities, and you'll see that you're in the Middle East, not in Europe".
- Basic doctrines are changing before our eyes. Not so long ago, it looked like there's one triumphant liberal direction. Now we see some forms of government coming back from the distant past. Bam, and we have a caliphate. And we realize that something's wrong in this world. There's always something wrong. That's what gives rise to developmental mechanisms.
Vladimir Putin: There's nothing to be surprised or scared of. It's inevitable, eternal, constant movement. Where is everything moving now? Yes, to a certain extent, in some places, liberalism loses its ground, and some people got tired of it. Something doesn't sit well with people. Some things don't seem to work. Like this model they've tried to build in Europe, -a multicultural model…
- It didn't work.
- It didn't just not work. Those of my colleagues who not so long ago were talking about strengthening that model, — today say that it failed.
- But the vision of the future is in many ways a global vision, when national identities will blur away. Is it possible that we'll lose our identity?
- We won't. We treasure it very much. What does a lost identity mean? It's the end of the ethnicity. Russians, other peoples of Russia, like Tatars, Jews... Some convert to Christianity. Some Russians convert to Islam. But it's still…
- It's still us.
- Us, yes. But talking about what's happening in other countries, to be honest, if you ask me, I didn't expect rapid changes, but they are happening.
Brexit, and now also Frexit and Nexit — the words that describe France and Netherlands leaving the European Union. The unity of the EU is in danger. Italian regions Lombardy and Veneto, French Corsica and Spanish Catalonia are also seeking independence, but as part of the EU.
Horst Teltschik, Chairman of Munich Security Conference: "We are looking at a complex of profound changes. Yet we have neither clear structures nor understanding of the end result of current transformations. At this stage, grows uncertainty. So the goal of the politics today should be the development of new structures that would ensure the safety of the population. This matter is especially pressing in the context of the fight against terrorism".
PARIS, 13 NOV 2015
LONDON, 2017
BARCELONA, 17 AUG 2017
NIZZA, 14 JUL 2016
Benjamin Netanyahu: “There are people who don't believe in coexistence. They believe in destroying others. We have to fight militant Islam.
BERLIN, 19 DEC 2016
Vladimir Putin: "Vanquishing or breaking the spine of terrorism in one standalone country is not nearly enough to beat it completely. Actually, this is not a problem that can be solved solely with weapons, although, as we see, without that, you can't fight terrorism either, but first of all, we need to eradicate those problems that are the root cause of these phenomena. What are those causes? It's injustice in international relations. It's poverty in many countries. It's lack — a very important factor — lack of quality education among young people. You can do anything you want with a young uneducated person, you can pour anything into his head, and he would often believe the things he hears from his preachers, especially if they also put $10 in front of him, because nobody ever taught him anything good, because he doesn't have his own deep believes and knowledge. These are the key factors that cause terrorism. That's what we have to fight. But we also need to join forces with other countries right on the frontlines. We need to build a powerful international anti-terrorist front".
Shinzō Abe, Prime Minister of Japan: "Of course, there are many problems in our world. The Syrian problem in the Middle East, the terrorism problem of the Islamic State, the North Korean problem. Solving all those problems, including the one in Ukraine, is not possible if Russia is not a part of the dialogue".
"Ukraine is Europe!"
Vladimir Putin: I will say something that is well-know already and something that is not known. These are the events of the same magnitude. What is known well is that in the late February 2014, I think it was 20 February— western countries initiated negotiations between President Yanukovich and opposition. They signed an agreement where President Yanukovich agreed to big compromises, to put it mildly: a pre-term election and a number of other steps, while 3 ministers of foreign affairs from European countries: Poland, France, and Germany signed that agreement as guarantors of the implementation of this document. One or two days later, a coup was carried out in Kiev. What should the guarantors have done?
- Not recognize it?
- Exactly. Not recognize it. And influence those who performed this coup, make them step back into the constitutional field, especially since it was clear to everyone that in the case of the pre-term election which could be done really fast — most likel y— almost 100% — the opposition would have come to power, but in a legal way. There wouldn't be confrontation, there wouldn't be the horror of Donbass. But our European colleagues chose another way. They immediately supported the coup. But that's well-known. I'm gonna say now something that is not well-known. At the same time, our American partners reached out to us. They asked us to do everything — I'm repeating it almost word-to-word — to stop Yanukovich from using the military, to make the opposition leave the square and administrative buildings and start carrying out the agreements on normalizing the situation. We said, okay. The next day, there was a coup. I mean, you could have called! You could have done something, say something. You know, there's a term excessive execution — we didn't want it but that's how it turned out, but we will do everything to get back in the legal realm. Not a word. Instead, they fully supported those who performed the coup. So what else can they do now? They did it with their own hands. How could they not support the present government? They backed themselves into a corner.
- Is it the first time they lied to us?
- You know, I would say that it's the first time they were so blatant and brazen in doing it, to the point where they say, "Let's do this," but do exactly the opposite, and don't even bother to say something about it. I don't think this ever happened before.
- But the conversation was at the top level?
- Yes, for one. And second, they should have realized that all this takes place at our borders. There are many people there who either think of themselves as Russians, or have close ties with Russia. It's not some country at the end of the world, It's a country we've had special relations with for centuries. We have a joint production, energetic and transport complex. You can't just discount all that. I talked to the former management of the European Commission. But when I told them that, their response was strange, in my opinion. They said, "We don't meddle in your relationship with China. And you don't meddle in our relationship with Canada. So how about you don't meddle in our relationship with Ukraine?" There's a huge difference. I was surprised to hear these words. By the way, if they did it a little differently, it would have been more beneficial for Ukraine. Our cooperation chains wouldn't have broken. Ukraine would have kept a whole industry. Just recently, they closed the Antonov Design Bureau. It was the republic's legacy, more so than their gas transportation system. It was the intellectual potential of Ukraine. And? All that is falling apart. For what? For some civilization choice? What do they choose? Do they choose poverty? Or do they choose the right to work illegally in European countries using tourist visas? That's what they choose?
Pyotr Poroshenko: "This day will forever remain in the history of Ukraine as the day our country completely left the Russian Empire and returned to the family of European nations. Dear Ukrainian people, I want to say, "Yes! We made it!"
Geert Wilders: “I don't want Ukraine to be in the European Union. Not because we hate Ukraine, but because we believe that Ukraine should never be a member of the EU.Э
Zakhar Prilepin: "Remember in the beginning of this whole Maidan story, the Ukrainian blogosphere was laughing so happily, "Where are Banderites? Where have you seen them? Show us at least one!" And now they have Bandera avenue, Bandera statues in every school. Bandera is part of every school history program. Shukhevych and that kind of rabble have been put into national intellectual context, or rather anti-intellectual. What are we talking about? it's a direct insult to us. Basically, they reanimated a neo-nazi project in its very overt representation. This is how it is. You can feel the danger of it on a genetic level. In 5-7 years, we will have measured, deliberate Banderites who have studied it in kindergarten, in school, in university. They'll be prepared. It's gonna be a completely different story. It's gonna be a story you cannot easily format".
- So do we have our troops there? Walker believes there are more tanks there than in entire Western Europe.
Vladimir Putin: "We don't have our troops there. They have enough weaponry. And when I'm asked where they get those weapons, I always say, "When one side manages to get it, the other side also always finds opportunities." The present-day leaders of Ukraine in the course of our Normandy talks sometimes say — and I understand it, there's nothing unusual about it— that the ammo, that in Ukraine's opinion comes from Russia, is used to kill soldiers of the Ukrainian army. It's horrible. Every time I think about this, it really upsets me, because I think of all of them as my people. But I always want to ask, "Whose shells and bullets kill the civilians of Donbass?" That's the question. This is not what you should be talking about. You should be talking about the ways to stop it and install peace as soon as possible".
Zakhar Prilepin: "My soldiers often say, "I want to see Putin!" or "I wish to be around Putin!" or "If I saw Putin..." They become like kids. They want to share whatever they have — a pack of cigarettes or something else very dear to them. Because he is somewhere out there and he's thinking of us, he remembers us. He will help us. He's a person who's solving monumental, colossal problems, and meanwhile, we're holding this small frontier for him. In this sense, Donbass is not only a religious, a political, but also an ethnic assembly site. Donbass holds the Russian border".
Hero of the DPR, Alferov Nikolai Nikolaevich
Hero of the DPR, Zakharchuk Vitaliy Anatolyevich
Hero of the DPR, Grishin Oleg Grigoryevich
Hero of the DPR, Kostenko Konstantin Aleksandrovich
Vladimir Putin: Why? Why would they establish a complete isolation of those territories? Ukraine is cutting off this territory itself. Isn't it obvious? The amnesty law hasn't been signed. The law about the special status of Donbass hasn't been signed. Almost nothing has been signed basically. On the contrary, they've adopted a law on de-occupation which doesn't have any mention of the Minsk agreements. They are doing it with their own hands. It's absolutely incredibly. I don't even understand why. We've been asked to arm the OSCE employees who work in the area.
- Pointless.
- No, we agree. But the OSCE refused.
- What's the point? Only additional risks.
- Well, you know, it was the opinion of the Ukrainian president, and I agreed with that. But the OSCE refused. First, they don't have such a practice. Second, they don't have people who can walk around there with guns. And third, they're afraid that as soon as they pick up guns, they will become targets, and it's not clear for which side. Then they asked to be protected by UN representatives. We also agreed. Not just agreed, we even proposed a resolution. No, that's not enough either. They discard it. It's very difficult to have a dialogue but there's no other way except for talking about it and looking for solutions.
UN General Assembly. 19 December 2017.
At the initiative of Ukraine, the subject of discussion is a resolution on Crimea.
Representative of Ukraine: "The situation on the occupied territory of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol not only didn't improve, but actually deteriorated".
70 countries voted for adopting the resolution, thus recognizing the occupation of the peninsula, including Turkey.
- So what does it mean? First, Erdogan is our friend, talking about you with admiration, calling you a friend, and then Erdogan is together with Poroshenko, or gives a speech about Crimea, or makes a statement about the difficult position of Crimean Tatars.
Vladimir Putin: Turkey is a big country and our neighbor. For centuries, our relation with Turkey has been different. We are objectively interested in good relations with Turkey. When it comes to Turkey, to Crimean Tatar, you know we've adopted... First of all, the overwhelming majority of Crimean Tatars who live in Crimea voted for Russia, for which we are very grateful to them. In percents, it's about the same result as for the whole peninsula. Yes, there are people with a radical position who are against Crimea reuniting with Russia. If we talk about Turkey, it's natural that Turkey supports Crimean Tatars. There are 200-250, maybe 300 thousand of them in Crimea, whereas data suggests that there are up to 3 million Crimean Tatars in Turkey. So it's pretty natural that the leader of Turkey pays a special attention to this matter, and President Erdogan often talks about the position of Crimean Tatars in Crimea. But when I start explaining to him what's going on, what Russia is starting to do, our plans on the social-economic renaissance of Crimean Tatars, and I mean renaissance, because many people there live in very difficult social and economic conditions... The Crimean Tatar language was never recognized as an official language. That was one of the things we did. Many moral and political questions have been solved, but we have an entire program of social-economic rehabilitation. This attitude receives understanding and support from Turkey.
Shinzō Abe: "One judoka, respected also by President Putin, Kanō Jigorō said this, "Mutual flourishing of yourself and others. And use your power for good." When a person enters Kodokan, you can tell right away if he's a judoka or not. Before stepping onto a tatami, every judoka takes a deep bow. Putin, despite being a president, took this bow when he entered Kodokan. President Putin, without any doubt, is a real judoka".
- Vladimir Vladimirovich, there's a popular phrase in the west, "Putin plays a weak hand well." How weak is our hand? And how do you play it so well? What's your secret?
Vladimir Putin: If we play a weak hand well, then they cannot play at all. Then they are not that strong. Then something is missing. In these cases, I always tell an example from my former athletic life. It was many years ago. I had a friend. When I received the Master of Sports title, he didn't. He was a very tough guy, physically strong. He had good prospects. And he says to me, "If I wanted to, I'd also get that title." And I say, "Sure. If you wanted to, you would." But to myself, I thought, "If you could, you'd have done it.” So something is missing. Either willpower or patience, or commitment, or courage. Something wasn't enough. Something was lacking. When I talk to my colleagues, I say that we can solve this or that problem, but we need patience. We just need to dig deeper. And then maybe we won't have to deal with acute crises in the future. Someone's missing something. But let's hope that this something will be complemented with common sense, logic and respect for other parties of international communication.
Wolfgang Thierse, President of Bundestag: "Temptation to be unilateral is first and most of all the US temptation. We are the only remaining global power".
Horst Teltschik: "European Union is too weak. It doesn't have a common policy, including security policy. And if we compare individual European countries to super powers, they don't really carry weight. Americans don't understand what their president is trying to achieve, in which direction he's going to move. The world order is not established yet, it continues to develop".
Dominique Strauss-Kahn: "Now the whole world is in the political arena. So it's completely normal that new powers, like China, India, Brazil are challenging the super power that had existed in the past. Today, it's not surprising, but it would've been surprising two decades ago. And so the rules of the games are changing. We are looking at the dawn of a new era".
Vladimir Putin: "Of course, those who used to stand on the top of the pedestal don't want to step down, they want to dig in, to keep their place at any price, even though many experts understand that it's no longer possible. And what needs to happen in the long run is that these new centers of power understand their growing responsibility brought by their power growth, while those who will inevitably have to move from the top of the pedestal do that with dignity, with understanding and without temper tantrums".
New Yorker. March 2017. Editorial with the subheading that read, "What lay behind Russia's interference in the 2016 election".
Time in May. "The Russians influencing the American elite and US president".
New York Times, December.
Secretary of State Rex Tillerson: "On Russia, we have no illusions about the regime we are dealing with. The United States today has a poor relationship with a resurgent Russia that undermined the sovereignty of Western nations by meddling in our election and others."
- Vladimir Vladimirovich, how does it feel, being the biggest villain in the world?
Vladimir Putin: You should ask those villains.
- Because when you look at the Western media, you get the feeling that…
- It's the opinion of the Western media, and not all of them.
- Does it touch you personally?
- Actually, no. First of all, I'm used to it. And I have some very good guiding points. Those guiding points are the interests of the Russian Federation and its people. If I feel that I didn't veer off and I'm staying on track, I don't care about anything else. I just don't give... That's a bad word. It doesn't distract me from solving the problems that I believe to be of the utmost importance for my country.
The G20 summit, Hamburg. July 2017.
Every summit of this scale is accompanied by big protests. Tens of thousands of people took part in the protests in Hamburg, from anti-globalists to environmental activists. Police units have been pulled in here from all over Germany. Water cannons on the streets. Helicopters in the sky around the clock. Sessions, discussions, meetings continue without interruption.
The first meeting of the US and Russia's presidents took place in Hamburg during the G20 summit.
- It looked like you had a nice, humane relationship with Trump. Do you feel disappointment?
Vladimir Putin: No, I don't feel any disappointment. Why would I? As a person, he made a good impression on me. I think that he's a measured person, despite all that flamboyant behavior that he probably got used to because of his previous life and work. But when we talk business— and I've already mentioned that— he carefully considers problems, he communicates, he listens to people he talks to. You can negotiate with him. I can see that we can work on compromises with him. I was disappointed not so much in the partner, as in the system. I cannot avoid disappointment on that part because the system shows its inefficiency and it's eating itself. Interacting with such a system is quite difficult because it's unpredictable.
Putin and Trump's meeting lasted 90 minutes longer than was planned.
- Vladimir Vladimirovich, what were you talking about with Melania Trump?
Vladimir Putin: I wasn't talking only to Mrs. Trump. There was also the wife of Italy's prime minister. First of all, I told them— women were especially interested in that — about our demography program. I explained to them when and how we've implemented measures to support maternity and childhood, what a maternity fund is, what principles underlie that work. They were very interested in that and surprised by the size of the maternity fund. I explained them the purposes for which it can be used, talked about other instruments we're implementing, as well as about the results, because…
- Did you try to recruit them?
- No, I don't do that anymore. But I loved doing that. It was my work for many years. Also, I told them about Russia, about Siberia, about fishing. Exaggerated the size a bit, as is the custom. How can you talk about fishing without exaggeration? I talked about Kamchatka, about our fauna, about tigers, about bears on Kamchatka and tigers in the Far East.
Shinzō Abe: "Putin really loves his country and has a strong spirit. I'm also a person who deeply loves his motherland, Japan. Sometimes, negotiations are very difficult, but I believe that together we can solve the hardest problems".
Vladimir Putin: "It's important to always take a strong, honest and open position, both with people in everyday life and on the international arena. If all our partners know that we don't lie, that we don't misinform, that we are not trying to hoodwink them, that we have a position they can argue or disagree with, but it's clear, transparent and stable — then it's something they can work with. It inspires trust and respect. And it's the foundation for cooperation".
Carla Del Ponte: "It's a great moment for Russia right now, because it's very active in the international sphere. Yes, Russia is very important. It's strong because it has a strong president".
- We are seeing a coordinated effort aimed to drive our traditional allies away from us. They are working on Belarus, on Kazakhstan. They are actively working on Armenia. We can see them dripping poison in their ears. We should resist. They are all trying to stop us.
Vladimir Putin: Those who are dripping poison somewhere will end up swallowing it. They will end up getting poisoned themselves. — We have a good saying, "What goes around..."
- Yes, comes around.
- Exactly. This is exactly the case. In the end, the tables get turned on those who started all this. It's not what you should be doing. You should be building a relationship with Russia. And then everyone will be okay.
- The history has now become a factor of international politics. Sometimes I think that if it weren't for the Holocaust, Hitler would've been long rehabilitated. I'm looking at the rate at which they make videos about the Forest Brothers, how easily they ignore the crimes committed by Shukhevych and Bandera, and I start thinking that only Holocaust stops them from a complete revision of the results of World War II and the Great Patriotic War. With that in mind, Israel made an official holiday on 9 May, to disperse all illusions.
- Above all, it's a display of Jewish people's wisdom and a great memory for history. We very much respect that. Jews don't forget how they were being exterminated during World War II, and that's good. But similar tragedies happened to other peoples.
- Of course.
- Not to mention smaller ethnic groups. Like gypsies who were being hunted down. And the Slavs? And the way Russians were being exterminated? The Russian people were looking at— and it's written in documents, you can find those documents in archives and read them. The fate that was intended for them is to exterminate some, use others for forced labor, and to send those who weren't exterminated or used for something behind the Ural, to the north, to die out. What is that? It's basically the same Holocaust, only against Russian people. We cannot forget that, under no circumstances. Not for the sake of blaming someone, but to prevent that from happening again.
"Command! "
"And one! "
Darya Sokolova: "I'm a third-year cadet at Ryazan Higher Airborn Command School, Sokolova Darya. Daughter of the Hero of Russia, Sokolov Roman. My father died in 2007, March 1 at Height 776 in the Argun River gorge in the Republic of Chechnya. It was a terrible battle. 90 paratroopers. 2000 insurgents. My father was a deputy commander of the 6th Company. He drew fire on himself. Giving your life for your motherland is the biggest reward. 84 soldiers died. A year after the 6th Company was killed, Commander-in-chief Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin came to Height 776. My father died when I was 3 years old. My father would pick me up from kindergarten. I remember one time he came in his uniform. I think he'd just returned from the First Chechen War. It was so unexpected. So I'm running toward him, "Daddy! My daddy came for me!" When I walk along the Alley of Heroes and I see my father's name, I'm very proud of him. My father also studied here. I was giving the oath on the same square. It's the most important thing in life, your oath, because you love your motherland, you want to protect your motherland".
- This sense of responsibility when the fate of millions of people, if not the whole humanity, depends on your decision with the nuclear button; this responsibility when you have to send our guys to some out-of-the-way parts, and there's no guarantee that they will come back alive— how do you make those decisions? How do you carry this responsibility day in day out?
Vladimir Putin: The responsibility is inevitable. It's part of my work. And before making a decision, I have to weigh everything very carefully. As for the nuclear button, it's not a tactful question, to put it mildly.
- I'm sorry.
- Yes.
- I have to ask it.
- Of course. First of all, we didn't start all this. I'd like to remind that the nuclear, atom bomb first appeared in the US, not in our country. That was one point. Second, we've never used nuclear weapons. And the US used them against Japan. By the way, many Japanese textbooks are hushing up this fact, saying that it was the Allies. What Allies? The Soviet Union was an ally of the US, but we weren't even informed of that. There wasn't even a point in doing that, as many experts believe. The US did that. Who can guarantee it won't happen again? That was the second point. Third, we are not the only nuclear-armed states. The nuclear-weapon states are the US, the People's Republic of China, France, Great Britain, Russia — five major countries. But there are also nuclear-weapon states unrecognized by the international community which are India, Pakistan and Israel. So we are not alone in this. If all these countries have this kind of weapon, why shouldn't Russia have it? This subject is, of course, extremely important and sensitive, but I want to tell you and I want people in our country and abroad to know that our plans for using the weapon — I hope it never comes to it — but the theoretical plans of using it is the so-called retaliatory counter-strike. What does it mean? It means that the decision on the use of nuclear weapons can only be made if our missile attack warning system has not only detected the missile launch but gave a precise prediction of its trajectory, as well as the time when the warhead will reach the territory of the Russian Federation. It's called a retaliatory counter-strike. So if someone makes a decision to destroy Russia, we have every right to fight back. Yes, it would be a global disaster for the humanity and for the world, but being a Russian citizen and head of Russia, I want to ask a question, "What's the point of the world without Russia?"
Dominique Trinquand, French General: "The Soviet army was very powerful. Then it fell into decline. That was the state of the army I saw in Yugoslavia. Now Russia has restored its military strength, both in terms of technical equipment and personnel training. So today it plays an important role".
Anthony Brenton: "Russia has always been a great country, and everybody knew you couldn't simply ignore it. Its strength and pride would come back. I mean the feeling of national unity and togetherness, the feeling that being a Russian is something special".
- Historians believe that for at least 300 years, there were no events in Europe where Russia didn't play a major part. How do you understand a great power? How important is it for Russia to continue influencing the world?
Vladimir Putin: I don't know who does these estimates and how they know nothing happened without Russia. For the most part, it's probably true. What is the greatness of a country? One of the military and political figures of the Russian past — I think he was a marshal in the 18th century — said once that Russia has the undeniable advantage— that's a loose quote— before other countries in that it's ruled directly by God. And if that's not true, then it's not clear how it even exists. Russia is a complex and big country with a huge potential. The greatness of any country in modern life is rooted in its economy. Without an effective economy, without a social sphere that creates the foundation for political stability, there is no greatness. Only these two components, put together, give a chance to create a third very important support which is ensuring the defensive ability of the country. All that together... By the way, without history, without culture, without mentality, nothing works. Those are the things that glue everything together. All those things create a country, ensure its cohesion and determine its position in the international arena. What we should do in the near future is get to the point where the innovative part of Russia's development is the major driver of its development. If we achieve that, and that includes all elements: digital technology, biology, fundamental science, then, without any doubt, Russia will keep its status of a great power, which includes the ability to defend the country. And of course, Russia has to be open to everything new in every sphere. The world is changing, so Russia, too, should be gradually changing. In this sense, Russia should be an integral part of the international community.
- Vladimir Vladimirovich, the final question. A massive amount of knowledge. This constant use of latest information. Are you an optimist or a pessimist?
- I told you, I'm an optimist. That's how our country is. We are all optimists. We expect the best things from the future and we will achieve them.
- Thank you, Vladimir Vladimirovich.
- Thank you.
Talking to Vladimir Putin is always interesting. About us, the citizens of Russia, about the world we live in, about politicians and politics, about values, challenges, decisions, about the ways Russia asserts itself in the present and the future it's building, about the interaction with the world that's changing rapidly, quickly, almost unpredictably. It's time to go. Almost midnight.
EPILOGUE
I will take a quick look at the recent past. We had tried to convince Americans not to terminate the ABM Treaty, not to upset the strategic balance. All in vain. In 2002, the US unilaterally withdrew from this treaty, but even after this, we had long tried to establish a constructive dialogue with it. At some point, I thought that we could find a compromise, but no, all our proposals, absolutely all of them, were declined. Despite our multiple protests and calls, the American machine sprang to life, the assembly line has started. So what did we do, except protests and warnings? How did Russia respond to this challenge? Here's how. All these years, after the US unilaterally withdrew from the ABM Treaty, we've been working hard on cutting-edge technology and weaponry. It allowed us to make a giant leap in the creation of new types of strategic weapons. It's a bit surprising even, but despite all the problems that we've faced in the economy, in finance, in the defensive industry, in the army, Russia was and remains a major nuclear-weapon state. No, nobody wanted to talk to us about real matters. Nobody listened to us. Listen now. We are not making any threats. We are not planning to attack anyone. We don't want to rob anyone at gunpoint. We have everything we need. On the contrary, I want to stress one important point, the growing defensive potential of Russia is a reliable guarantee of peace on our planet. Our politics will never be based on claims that we are special. We protect our interests and respect the interests of other countries. We follow international law and believe in the ultimate power of the UN. We should sit down at the negotiating table and think together about a new, promising system of international security and sustainable development of our civilization. We've always been telling you this. All these offers are still on the table. Russia is ready.
